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2005 Firearms Fact Card

A well regulated Militia, being necessary
to the security of a free State, the right of the people to
keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.
The Right to Keep and Bear Arms
The right to keep and bear arms is derived
from and inseparably linked to the right of self-defense.
Thus, by nature it is an individually possessed right, as
are all rights protected in our Constitution.
The Founding Fathers, the Framers of the
Constitution and Bill of Rights, and those whom the Supreme
Court (U.S. v. Miller, 1939) referred to as "approved
commentators" could not have been more clear about the
nature of the right and the purpose of the Second Amendment.
Thomas Jefferson said, "No free man
shall be debarred the use of arms." Patrick Henry said,
"The great object is, that every man be armed."
Richard Henry Lee wrote, "To preserve liberty it is essential
that the whole body of people always possess arms." Thomas
Paine noted, "[A]rms . . . discourage and keep the invader
and the plunderer in awe, and preserve order in the world
as well as property."
Prominent Federalist Tench Coxe asked,
"Who are the militia? Are they not ourselves?. . . Congress
have no power to disarm the militia. Their swords, and every
other terrible implement of the soldier, are the birth-right
of an American. . .. [T]he unlimited power of the sword is
not in the hands of either the federal or state governments
but, where I trust in God it will ever remain, in the hands
of the people."
In introducing the Bill of Rights in the
House of Representatives, James Madison noted that the amendments
"relate first to private rights." Sen. William Grayson
observed that they "altogether respected personal liberty."
Tench Coxe wrote, "[T]he people are confirmed by the
next article [of amendment] in their right to keep and bear
their private arms."
Constitutional scholars have noted that
there is no historical basis for the claim that the Second
Amendment protects a so-called "collective right"
of the states. Stephen P. Halbrook writes, "If anyone
entertained this notion in the period during which the Constitution
and Bill of Rights were debated and ratified, it remains one
of the most closely guarded secrets of the eighteenth century,
for no known writing surviving from the period between 1787
and 1791 states such a thesis." (That Every Man Be Armed,
Univ. of N.M. Press, 1984)
Historian Joyce Lee Malcolm, testifying
before Congress in 1995, told Rep. John Conyers, "It
is very hard, sir, to find a historian who now believes it
is only a `collective right.` . . [T]here is a general consensus
that in fact it is an individual right."
The Supreme Court recognized that the right
to arms is an individual right in U.S. v. Cruikshank (1876),
Presser v. Illinois (1886), Miller v. Texas (1894), U.S. v.
Miller (1939) and U.S. v. Verdugo-Urquidez (1990). In U.S.
v. Cruikshank, the Court also recognized that the right preexisted
the Constitution.
In U.S. v. Emerson, on Oct. 16, 2001, the
U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit found that the
Second Amendment protects an individual right to keep and
bear arms, and that this right is subject only to "limited,
narrowly tailored specific exceptions" that "are
not inconsistent with the right of Americans generally to
individually keep and bear their private arms as historically
understood in this country. . . . All of the evidence indicates
that the Second Amendment, like other parts of the Bill of
Rights, applies to and protects individual Americans."
Other federal court decisions have been divided on the nature
of the right.
During the Bush Administration, the Attorney
General and the Department of Justice have recognized that
the right to keep and bear arms is an individually-held right.
(See http://www.usdoj.gov/olc/secondamendment2.htm).
The National Guard, established in 1903,
is not the militia referred to in the Second Amendment. For
more than 400 years, the term "well regulated militia"
has meant the people, with privately owned weapons, led by
officers chosen by themselves. Tench Coxe said that the militia
"are in fact the effective part of the people at large."
Richard Henry Lee said that the militia "are in fact
the people themselves." George Mason said that the militia
consist "of the whole people."
The Guard is subject to absolute federal
control (Perpich v. Dept. of Defense, 1990) and thus is not
the "well regulated militia" referred to in the
Second Amendment. "The Militia of the United States"
is defined under federal law to include all able-bodied males
of age and some other males and females (10 U.S.C., Sec. 311;
32 U.S.C., sec. ;313), with the Guard established as only
its "organized" element.
CURRENT ISSUES
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Reckless lawsuits attempting to hold
gun manufacturers financially responsible for the acts
of criminals run counter to long-standing principles of
tort law, have been prohibited by 33 states and nearly
universally dismissed by the courts, and may soon be prohibited
nationally by Congress.
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The federal "assault weapon"
law, imposed on Sept. 13, 1994, expired on Sept. 13, 2004.
Essentially, it prohibited installing two or more attachments
(e.g., a sharply angled grip, adjustable stock, or threaded
muzzle) on certain kinds of semi-automatics, and limited
new ammunition magazines to 10 rounds capacity. Foreign-made
firearms later defined as "assault weapons"
were prohibited from importation by regulation in 1989
(rifles) and 1993 (pistols) and revolving cylinder shotguns
were restricted under the National Firearms Act in February
1994.
The BATFE has rejected the Brady Campaign`s claim that
the ban reduced crime. Studies for the National Academy
of Sciences (2005), National Institute of Justice (2004),
and the Congressional Research Service (2004) noted that
reports from state and local law enforcement agencies
show that guns defined as "assault weapons"
are used in only about 1% of violent crimes. The CRS report
also rejected the anti-gun Violence Policy Center`s claim
about the use of the guns against police officers. The
congressionally-mandated study of the ban (1997) found,
"the banned weapons and magazines were never used
in more than a fraction of all gun murders." A follow-up
study (2003) found that criminals rarely fire more than
10 rounds, that wounds involving pistols are less likely
to be fatal than those involving revolvers, and that the
average number of wounds in pistol crimes is lower than
with revolvers. Many more people are murdered with knives,
or clubs, or bare hands, than with "assault weapons."
The number of so-called "assault weapons" and
magazines of over 10 rounds capacity is greater today
than ever, and they are still rarely used in crime.
Legislation has been introduced in Congress and some state
legislatures to ban millions more guns as "assault
weapons," including all semi-automatic shotguns,
detachable-magazine semi-automatic rifles, and even pump-action
guns.
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"Gun show" legislation would
not only impose background checks on private gun sales
at shows. It would register anyone attending a show and
affect many sales of guns that do not occur at shows.
Dealer sales of guns, whether at stores or shows, are
already subject to the federal background check. Federal
studies find that less than 1% of criminals obtain guns
at shows. The goal of such legislation is to move toward
prohibiting private gun sales altogether, as has occurred
in California.
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Registration and licensing led to confiscation
in Germany, England, Australia, Mexico, California, New
Jersey, and New York City. Library of Congress and Centers
for Disease Control reports state that there is no evidence
that registration and licensing reduce crime. To pave
the way for registration in the U.S., anti-gun groups
call for a ballistic "fingerprinting" law to
require every new handgun to be test fired, and the markings
left on bullets and/or cartridge cases entered into a
database. Such a system was put in place in Maryland at
the cost of millions of dollars, but, after its ineffectiveness
was proven, the Maryland State Police Forensic Sciences
Division called for scrapping it.
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"Smart" gun legislation is
intended to reduce handgun purchases by increasing handgun
prices, by requiring that handguns be made with "personalized"
locking mechanisms that are not necessarily reliable or
desired by gun owners.
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"Mandatory storage" laws,
requiring gun owners to install gun locks on all guns,
have prevented guns from being used for self-defense.
Gun accidents are down, but because of training, not gadgetry
or regulation.
SELF-DEFENSE AND RIGHT-TO-CARRY
Anti-gun groups openly oppose the use of
firearms for protection and claim that self-defense is not
a right under the Constitution. The federal and 44 state constitutions,
and the laws of every state, recognize the right to arms for
defensive purposes.
Survey research during the early 1990s
by award-winning criminologist Gary Kleck found as many as
2.5 million protective uses of guns each year in the U.S.
"(T)he best available evidence indicates that guns were
used about three to five times as often for defensive purposes
as for criminal purposes," Kleck concluded. Analyzing
National Crime Victimization Survey data, he found, "robbery
and assault victims who used a gun to resist were less likely
to be attacked or to suffer an injury than those who used
any other methods of self-protection or those who did not
resist at all."
In most defensive gun uses, the gun is
not fired. In only 1% of instances are criminals wounded,
and in only 0.1% are criminals killed.
A Dept. of Justice survey (1986) found
that 40% of felons chose not to commit at least some crimes
for fear their victims were armed, and 34% admitted having
been scared off or shot at by armed victims. Thirty-eight
states now have Right-to-Carry (RTC) laws providing for law-abiding
citizens to carry guns for protection. Twenty-eight states
have adopted RTC laws since 1987: Two-thirds of Americans
live in RTC states.
Professor John R. Lott, Jr., and David
B. Mustard, in the most comprehensive study to date of RTC
laws, concluded, "When state concealed-handgun laws went
into effect in a county, murders fell about 8 percent, rapes
fell by 5 percent, and aggravated assaults fell by 7 percent."
(1998)
RTC states have lower violent crime rates
on average: 27% lower total violent crime, 32% lower murder,
45% lower robbery, and 20% lower aggravated assault. (FBI)
People who carry legally are by far more law-abiding than
the rest of the public.
GUNS DON`T CAUSE CRIME
There are more guns, gun owners, RTC states
and carry permit holders than ever before. And the nation`s
violent crime rate has decreased every year since 1991, to
a 27-year low. Most criminologists, sociologists and law enforcement
professionals, including the FBI, attribute the decrease to
factors unrelated to "gun control," such as increased
imprisonment rates, mandatory sentencing requirements, the
hiring of additional police officers, improved policing methods
and equipment, the aging of gang populations, the decline
in the crack cocaine trade, and the improved economy during
the 1990s. Notably, only about one-fourth of violent crimes
are committed with guns. (FBI)
"GUN CONTROL" DOESN`T REDUCE
CRIME
Studies for Congress, the Department of
Justice (DOJ), the Congressional Research Service, the Library
of Congress, the National Academy of Sciences (NAS), and the
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) have found
no evidence that "gun control" reduces crime.
A 1983 study for the DOJ concluded, "there
are about 20,000 firearms laws of one sort or another already
on the books." However, the NAS study in 2005, conducted
by a panel of academics organized during the anti-gun Clinton
administration and including prominent anti-gunners, could
not identify a single "gun control" scheme that
reduced crime, suicides, or accidents.
For the CDC (2003), an independent Task
Force studied a wide variety of gun control laws, but "found
insufficient evidence to determine the effectiveness of any
of the firearms laws reviewed for preventing violence."
A Library of Congress study (1998) concluded, "it is
difficult to find a correlation between the existence of strict
firearms regulations and a lower incidence of gun-related
crimes."
The federal Gun Control Act was imposed
in 1968, yet violent crime increased until 1991. Washington,
D.C., banned handguns in 1976 and by 1991 its homicide rate
tripled, while the U.S. rate rose only 12%. Despite having
some of the most restrictive gun laws in the country, Maryland`s
robbery rate remains the highest among the states, and Baltimore`s
murder rate is similar to D.C.`s.
States that delay gun sales with waiting
periods, licensing and purchase permits have historically
had higher crime rates. For many years after California imposed
a 15-day waiting period in 1975 (reduced to 10 days in 1997),
its violent crime rate was 50% higher each year, on average,
compared to the rest of the country. States that prohibit
or severely restrict carrying guns have higher crime rates,
on average.
Now "gun control" advocates claim
that the federal Brady Act and "assault weapon"
law reduced crime. However, both laws were imposed in 1994,
three years after violent crime began declining, and studies
noted above have found no evidence that either affects crime
levels. Also, a study by anti-gun researchers, published in
the anti-gun Journal of the American Medical Association in
2000 found the Brady Act to be ineffective.
ENFORCE THE LAWS AGAINST CRIMINALS
Violent crime began decreasing in the 1990s,
as states increased prison sentences for violent criminals.
Soon after taking office, President George
W. Bush and Attorney General John Ashcroft created the Project
Safe Neighborhoods (PSN) program. PSN targeted criminals who
use firearms, by allocating federal law-enforcement resources
to enforce federal gun laws.
It resulted in a 68% increase in federal
gun crime prosecutions, a 62% increase in the number of defendants
charged with federal gun crimes, and increases in sentences
for federal gun crimes. In 2003, 93% of defendants were sentenced
to some prison time, and 72% were sentenced to more than three
years.
Between 1999-2000 and 2001-2002, the violent
crime rate dropped 21%, equating to 130,000 fewer Americans
falling victim to crimes involving firearms than in the previous
two years. (DOJ)
GUN SAFETY
Because focus group research showed that
the public reacts unfavorably to the term "gun control,"
the anti-gun lobby now refers to gun bans, registration, waiting
periods, and other restrictions as "gun safety."
True gun safety depends on education and
personal responsibility, not government regulation. NRA`s
62,000 Certified Instructors and Law Enforcement Instructors
reach 800,000 Americans each year. NRA`s award-winning Eddie
Eagle GunSafe(r) Program has been used by more than 24,000
schools, law enforcement agencies and civic groups to reach
more than 18 million children since 1988. Accidental deaths
with guns have been decreasing for decades.
Since 1930, the annual number of such accidents
has decreased 76%, while the U.S. population has more than
doubled and the number of privately owned guns has quintupled.
Among children, fatal gun accidents have decreased 89% since
1975. (National Center for Health Statistics and National
Safety Council)
The per capita rate of accidental deaths
with guns is at an all-time low, having decreased 91% since
the all-time high in 1904. Gun accidents account for only
0.7% of accidental deaths. Most accidental deaths involve
motor vehicles or are due to drowning, falls, fires, poisoning,
medical mistakes, choking on ingested objects and environmental
factors.
ASK THE PEOPLE
Eighty-five percent of Americans believe
people have the right to use guns to defend themselves in
their homes, 64% favor allowing law-abiding citizens to carry
guns for protection outside their homes, and 72% prefer stiffer
sentences for criminals who use guns in crime, rather than
more gun laws. (Lawrence Research, National Survey of Registered
Voters, 1998)
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